Cicero vs. Clodius <4>
LII (Q FR I, 2)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN ASIA)

ROME, 26 OCTOBER 59 BC

Statius [Quintus' ex-slave] arrived at my house on the 25th October... But it used to annoy me most when I was told that he had greater influence with you, than your sober time of life and the wisdom of a governor required. How many people, do you suppose, have solicited me to give them a letter of introduction to Statius? How often, do you suppose, has he himself, while talking without reserve to me, made such observations as, "I never approved of that," "I told him so," "I tried to persuade him," "I warned him not to"? And even if these things show the highest fidelity, as I believe they do, since that is your judgment, yet the mere appearance of a freedman or slave enjoying such influence cannot but lower your dignity: and the long and short of it is--for I am in duty bound not to say anything without good grounds, nor to keep back anything from motives of policy--that Statius has supplied all the material for the gossip of those who wished to decry you...
Now for the news that you chiefly desire. We have so completely lost the constitution that Cato, a young man of no sense, but yet a Roman citizen and a Cato, scarcely got off with his life because, having determined to prosecute Gabinius for bribery, when the praetors could not be approached for several days, and refused to admit anyone to their presence, he mounted the rostra in public meeting and called Pompey an "unofficial dictator." No one ever had a narrower escape of being killed. From this you may see the state of the whole Republic... However, the matter stands thus: if Clodius gives notice of an action against me, the whole of Italy will rush to my support, so that I shall come off with many times greater glory than before; but if he attempts the use of violence, I hope, by the zeal not only of friends but also of opponents, to be able to meet force with force. All promise me the aid of themselves, their friends, clients, freedmen, slaves, and, finally, of their money. Our old regiment of loyalists is warm in its zeal and attachment to me. If there were any who had formerly been comparatively hostile or lukewarm, they are now uniting themselves with the loyalists from hatred to these despots. Pompey makes every sort of promise, and so does Caesar: but my confidence in them is not enough to induce me to drop any of my preparations...
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LV (A III,3)
TO ATTICUS (AT ROME)


Vibo, APRIL 58 BC

I hope I may see the day when I shall thank you for having compelled me to remain alive! At present I thoroughly repent it. But I beg you to come and see me at Vibo at once, to which town I have for several reasons directed my journey. 1 But if you will only come there, I shall be able to consult you about my entire journey and exile. If you don't do so, I shall be surprised, but I feel sure you will.
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1 Mod. Monte Leone, on the road to Rhegium, from which at this time Cicero meant to cross to Sicily, and thence to Malta.
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LXXXIX (A IV, i)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (SEPTEMBER) 57 BC

... I left Dyrrachium on the 4th of August, the very day on which the law for my recall was put to the vote. I arrived at Brundisium on the 5th of August. There my dear Tulliola met me on what was her own birthday, which happened also to be the name-day of the colony of Brundisium and of the temple of Safety, near your house. This coincidence was noticed and celebrated with warm congratulations by the citizens of Brundisium...I then commenced my journey, amidst the compliments of the men of highest consideration at Brundisium, and was met at every point by legates bearing congratulations... a similar throng and similar applause accompanied me right up to the Capitol, and in the forum and on the Capitol itself there was again a wonderful crowd...Two days after that-there having been a very heavy rise in the price of corn, and great crowds having flocked first to the theatre and then to the senate-house, shouting out, at the instigation of Clodius, that the scarcity of corn was my doing--meetings of the senate being held on those days to discuss the corn question, and Pompey being called upon to undertake the management of its supply in the common talk not only of the plebs, but of the aristocrats also, and being himself desirous of the commission, when the people at large called upon me by name to support a decree to that effect, I did so, and gave my vote in a carefully-worded speech.
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XC (A IV, 2)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME (OCTOBER) 57 BC

... The decree of the pontifices was as follows: "If neither by order of the people nor vote of the plebs the party alleging that he had dedicated had been appointed by name to that function, nor by order of the people or vote of the plebs had been commanded to do so, we are of opinion that the part of the site in question may be restored to M. Tullius [Cicero] without violence to religion."[8] Upon this I was at once congratulated--for no one doubted that my house was thereby adjudged to me--when all on a sudden that fellow mounts the platform to address a meeting, invited to speak by Appius, 9 and announces at once to the people that the pontifices had decided in his favour, 10 but that I was endeavouring to take forcible possession; he exhorts them to follow himself and Appius to defend their own shrine of Liberty. Hereupon, when even those credulous hearers partly wondered and partly laughed at the fellow's mad folly, I resolved not to go near the place until such time as the [p. 191] consuls by decree of the senate had given out the contract for restoring the colonnade of Catulus. 12 ... Then M. Lucullus, speaking for all his colleagues, answered that the pontifices were judges of a question of religion, the senate of the validity of a law: that he and his colleagues had given a decision on a point of religion; in the senate they would with the other senators decide on the law. Accordingly, each of them, when asked in their proper order for their opinion, delivered long arguments in my favour. When it came to Clodius's turn, he wished to talk out the day, and he went on endlessly; however, after he had spoken for nearly three hours, he was forced by the loud expression of the senate's disgust to finish his speech at last... The buildings of my house the consuls, by the advice of their assessors, valued at 2,000,000 sesterces. 17 The rest was valued very stingily. My Tusculan villa at 500,000 sesterces : my villa at Formiae at 250,000 sesterces--an estimate loudly exclaimed against not only by all the best men, but even by the common people. You will say, "What was the reason?" They for their part say it was my modesty--because I would neither say no, nor make any violent expostulation. But that is not the real cause: for that indeed in itself would have been in my favour. 18 But, my dear Pomponius, those very same men, I tell you, of whom you are no more ignorant than myself, having clipped my wings, are unwilling that they should grow again to their old size...
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8 Clodius had consecrated the site of Cicero's house for a temple of Liberty. The pontifices had to decide whether that consecration held good, or whether the site might be restored to Cicero.

9 Appius Claudius Pulcher, brother of P. Clodius, was a praetor this year.

10 It is not clear that Clodius was wrong; the pontifices decided that for a valid consecration an order of the people was requisite, and, of course, Clodius could allege such an order. Cicero devoted the greater part of his speech, therefore, to shewing (1) that Clodius's adoption was invalid, and that he was therefore no tribune, and incapable of taking an order of the people.

12 A portico or colonnade, built by Q. Catulus, the conqueror of the Cimbri, on the site of the house of M. Flaccus, who was killed with Saturninus in B.C. 100. It was close to Cicero's house, and what Clodius appears to have done was to pull down the portico, and build another, extending over part of Cicero's site, on which was to be a temple for his statue of Liberty.

17 Cicero had given Crassus 3,500,000 for it. See Letter XVI.
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XCI (A IV, 3)
TO ATTICUS (IN EPIRUS)

ROME, 24 NOVEMBER 57 BC

... On the 3rd of November the workmen were driven from the site of my house by armed ruffians: the porticus Catuli, [1] which was being rebuilt on a contract given out by the consuls, in accordance with a decree of the senate, and had nearly reached the roof, was battered down: the house of my brother Quintus [2] was first smashed with volleys of stones thrown from my site, and then set on fire by order of Clodius, firebrands having been thrown into it in the sight of the whole town, amidst loud exclamations of indignation and sorrow, I will not say of the loyalists--for I doubt whether they exist --but of simply every human being. That madman runs riot: thinks after this mad prank of nothing short of murdering his opponents: canvasses the city street by street: makes open offers of freedom to slaves... Accordingly, on the 11th of November, as I was going down the Sacred Way, he came after me with his men. Uproar! Stones flying, cudgels and swords in evidence. And all this without a moment's warning. I and my party stepped aside into Tettius Damio's vestibule: those accompanying me easily prevented his roughs from getting in. Clodius himself could have been killed, but I am becoming a dietician, I'm sick of surgery. The fellow, seeing that what everybody called for was not his prosecution but his instant execution, has since made all your Catilines seem models of respectability. [6] For on the 12th of November he tried to storm and set fire to Milo's house, I mean the one on Germalus: [7] and so openly was this done, that at eleven o'clock in the morning he brought men there armed with shields and with their swords drawn, and others with lighted torches. He had himself occupied the house of P. Sulla [8] as his headquarters from which to Conduct the assault upon Milo's. Thereupon Q. Flaccus led out some gallant fellows from Milo's other house (the Anniana) : killed the most notorious bandits of all Clodius's gang: wanted to kill Clodius himself; but my gentleman took refuge in the inner part of Sulla's house. The next thing was a meeting of the senate on the 14th. Clodius stayed at home... I am writing this letter on the 23rd at three o'clock in the morning. Milo is already in possession of the campus. The candidate Marcellus [18] is snoring so loud that I can hear him next door. I am told that Clodius's vestibule is completely deserted: there are a few ragged fellows there and a canvas lantern. [19] His party complains that I am the adviser of the whole business: they little know the courage and wisdom of that hero [Milo]! His gallantry is astonishing. Some recent instances of his superhuman excellence I pass over; but the upshot is this: I don't think the election will take place. I think Publius will be brought to trial by Milo--unless he is killed first. If he once puts himself in his way in a riot, I can see that he will be killed by Milo himself. The latter has no scruple about doing it; he avows his intention; he isn't at all afraid of what happened to me [exile], for he will never listen to the advice of a jealous and faithless friend, nor put his in a sluggish nobility ...

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1 See last letter. The porticus Catuli had been, at any rate, partly demolished by Clodius to make way for his larger scheme of building, which was to take in part of Cicero's "site." See pro Cael. § 79.

2 Next door to Cicero's own house.

6 Lit. "made all Catilines Acidini." Acidinus was the cognomen of several distinguished men. In Leg. Agr. 2.64, Cicero classes the Acidini among men "respectable not only for the public offices they had held, and for their services to the state, but also for the noble way in which they had endured poverty." There does not, however, seem any very good reason known for their becoming proverbial as the antithesis to revolutionaries.

7 A slope of the Palatine. Milo's other house (p. 196).

8 P. Cornelius Sulla, nephew of the dictator. Cicero defended him in B.C. 62, but he had taken the part of Clodius in the time of Cicero's exile.

18 Candidate for the aedileship, of whom we know nothing.

19 Apparently a poor lantern, whose sides were made of canvas instead of horn.
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CI (Q FR II, 3)
TO HIS BROTHER QUINTUS (IN SARDINIA)

ROME, 12 FEBRUARY 56 BC

... On the 7th Milo appeared[1]. Pompey spoke, or rather tried to speak. For as soon as he got up Clodius's ruffians raised a shout, and throughout his whole speech he was interrupted, not only by hostile cries, but by personal abuse and insulting remarks. However, when he had finished his speech--for he shewed great courage in these circumstances, he was not cowed, he said all he had to say, and at times had by his commanding presence even secured silence for his words --well, when he had finished, Clodius rose. Wishing to repay the compliment, our side received him with such an uproarious reception that he lost all presence of mind, power of speech, or control over his countenance. This went on up to two o'clock-Pompey having finished his speech at noon --and every kind of abuse, and finally epigrams of the most outspoken indecency were uttered against Clodius and Clodia. Pale with fury, he started a game of question and answer: "Who's starving the people to death?" His ruffians answered, "Pompey." "Who wants to be sent to Alexandria?" They answered, "Pompey." "Whom do you want to go?" They answered, "Crassus" (who was present as a supporter of Milo, wishing him no good). About three o'clock, as though at a given signal, the Clodians began spitting at our men. There was an outburst of rage. They made a push to dislodge us, our side counter-charged. His ruffians turned tail. Clodius was hurled from the rostra: and then we too made our escape for fear of mischief in the riot. The senate was summoned into the Curia: Pompey went home. However, I did not myself enter the senate-house, lest I should be obliged either to refrain from speaking on matters of such gravity, or in defending Pompey (for he was being attacked by Bibulus, Curio, Favonius, and Servilius the younger) should give offence to the loyalists. The business was adjourned to the next day. Clodius fixed the Quirinalia (17th of February) for his prosecution. On the 8th the senate met in the temple of Apollo, that Pompey might attend. Pompey made an impressive speech. That day nothing was concluded. On the 9th in the temple of Apollo a decree passed the senate "that what had taken place on the 7th of February was treasonable." On this day Cato warmly inveighed against Pompey, and throughout his speech arraigned him as though he were at the bar. He said many highly laudatory things about me, which I could have done without, denouncing Pompey's treachery toward me. Pompey's ill-wishers listened in rapt silence. Pompey answered him boldly with a palpable allusion to Crassus, and said outright that "he would take better precautions to protect his life than Mricanus had done, whom C. Carbo had assassinated." [2] Accordingly, important events appear to me to be in the wind. For Pompey understands what is going on, and imparts to me that plots are being formed against his life, that Gaius Cato is being supported by Crassus, that money is being supplied to Clodius, that both are backed by Crassus and Curio, as well as by Bibulus and his other detractors: that he must take extraordinary precautions to prevent being overpowered by that demagogue-with a people all but wholly alienated, a nobility hostile, a senate ill-affected, and the younger men corrupt. So he is making his preparations and summoning men from the country. On his part, Clodius is rallying his gangs: a body of men is being got together for the Quirinalia...
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1 Milo impeached by Clodius before the comitia tributa for his employment of gladiators. Dio (xxxix. 18) says that Clodius thus impeached Milo, not with any hope of securing his conviction against the powerful support of Cicero and Pompey, but to get the chance of insulting these latter. Marcellus was one of the candidates for the aedileship with Clodius. See Letter XCI.

2 In B.C. 129, after making a speech in favour of the claims of the Italians for exemption from the agrarian law of Gracchus, Scipio Aemilianus, the younger Africanus, was found dead in his bed. The common report was that he had been assassinated by Carbo, or with his privity, but it was never proved (see de Orat. 2.170). Cicero does not here assume the truth of the story he merely repeats Pompey's words.